My nephew had a good point to a teacher in Florida recently who was pressuring him to speak the words of the Pledge of Allegiance along with his 17 year-old classmates. “What kind of pledge is it if you have to repeat it every day, year after year? Once you make a pledge, you’ve pledged. What kind of bogus, insecure pledge has to be repeated daily?” The teacher’s reaction is unknown, though my nephew was excused from final exams because his grades were already too high to calculate.
$150,000,000 a year to keep the remaining 166 prisoners (of a total of 779 at one time incarcerated there) locked up at Guantanamo. This includes 86 cleared for immediate release, people not currently charged with being anything like the worst of the worst, many charged with nothing. Also at Gitmo is a group of 48 who are probably dangerous haters of our freedom, capable of exacting bloody revenge and even more motivated now than a decade ago when they were first grabbed.
The problem with these dangerous haters is that they have been tortured by agents of our great democracy and so any trial or attempt to prosecute them would bring what was done to them into the harsh light of public scrutiny. So we can’t really try them, or release them. They truly, truly hate us.
The president, quoted in June 10, 2013 TIME magazine:
[History] will cast a harsh judgment on this aspect of our fight against terrorism and those of us who fail to end it
An eloquent echo of Thomas Jefferson’s famous observation about how he trembled to consider the harsh punishment a just God would rightfully inflict on those, like him, who owned human beings as part of their personal wealth.
And, like our current eloquent president, Jefferson was instrumental in not ending the practice he deplored.
Jefferson would have been just as tormented, I’m sure, by the innocent children killed in the targeted drone strikes the president continues to order. He would have been as concerned about the 100 hunger strikers at Gitmo, 35 of whom are being restrained and force fed twice daily in what the UN Commission for Human Rights has condemned as a violation of international law. The World Medical Association has declared doctor supervision of involuntary force-feeding unethical. I suppose they would say the same of physicians who made sure prisoners were not accidentally killed while being subjected to a technique that made them experience drowning in a most visceral and convincing way. In spite of our best efforts to keep these people alive, nine of them died in Gitmo. Things happen during war.
I can hear the chorus of freedom loving Americans, and I understand. Not our fault! They hate our freedom! And what about all those innocent people the terrorists they might well be associated with, or are at least sympathetic to, killed? The UN, bah! World Medical Association, foo! How easy it is for the world to cast its judgments down on us, the hypocrites!
I also understand why the trial of Bradley Manning must be kept as quiet as possible. He will be given a fair public trial, even if much of it will be in secret, and then convicted of betraying this great nation. Manning disclosed some documents and videos that made the American military look very bad. Such behavior must be punished harshly and publicly (even if the trial is not) to deter any other would be “light shiners” and people of “conscience”.
What business was it of Manning’s if a helicopter crew laughed after killing some unarmed civilians in Baghdad, reacting like the machine guns and tiny humans sited in their scope were part of a video game? Who is Manning to judge that Americans in harm’s way can’t blow off a little steam once in a while? It’s not like plenty of other civilians weren’t being collateral damage while this particular, insignificant accidental killing of an unfortunately located Reuters camera crew and unarmed Iraqis coming to rescue wounded civilians happened. The incident was marked classified for a very good reason– WE DON’T WANT PEOPLE TO THINK BADLY OF AMERICA.
I heard recently from the author of a book about soldier misconduct in Vietnam that the My Lai Massacre, for which Lt. Calley, for his part in the slaughter of hundreds, was famously court-martialed (and eventually served 3 years under house arrest), was one of dozens, if not hundreds of such slaughters of Vietnamese villagers during the years that American soldiers fought an endless war against a popular underground army.
American boys were subjected to terrible things in that war, by a merciless and cunning enemy, things nobody should ever see. If a few of them snapped and murdered civilians from time to time, well, the Army considered that something we should take care of in-house. It was taken care of, in all cases but My Lai, by classifying the reports. And it worked, the accounts of these mass murders remained secret for 40 years or so.
The author persevered and after a long, grim dance, got these classified reports of other massacres. He visited the villages decades after the atrocities to interview those who remembered. There were plenty of Vietnamese who remembered. The author reports he was struck by the absence of hatred toward him as an American. The survivors seemed grateful for the chance to tell an American their stories. It took more than a year for the slaughter at My Lai to come to light, after some traitor or another made it public, after choking down the memory of it night after night, month after month.
It is amazing that the reports of these massacres that the author eventually read were not destroyed, as is routinely done now with compromising evidence (think air controller tapes from 9/11, secret non-sworn testimony given by president and vice president to the 9/11 Commission that was not allowed to take notes or reveal what they’d said, video of detainee “enhanced interrogation” etc.).
Let us all be prudent, then, and patriotic, and wait 40 years or so before opening the can of worms that this private, entrusted with keeping classified information secret, prematurely and disloyally pried open. To paraphrase Mr. Donald Rumsfeld, one of the architects of our highly successful overthrow of a brutal and secretive dictator in Iraq to build a free nation in the Middle East, a bulwark against hatred of American freedom and a beacon of democracy to a world mired in ignorance, superstition and poverty: What we don’t know can’t hurt us. Or, at least we won’t know what what we don’t know did to us, since we didn’t know it was even there, really.